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The Fort Bonneville - Fort Nonsense Myth
By
O. Ned Eddins

Mountains of Stone The Winds of Change

Mountain Men Fur Trappers Fur Trade Trivia Rendezvous Sites

Fort Hall Fort William Archeological Study References

Was there a Fort Bonneville on the Wyoming Green River during the Rocky Mountain Fur Trade Era? Warren Angus Ferris is the only mountain man at the Green River Rendezvous to leave a physical description of a Fort Bonneville, or uses the term Fort Nonsense...not one other rendezvous participant mentions a Fort Bonneville. Contemporary fur trade journals, lack of physical evidence, and no verifiable artifacts suggest a bastioned Fort Bonneville did not exist.

Captain Benjamin L. E. Bonneville and Joseph Rutherford Walker crossed South Pass with twenty wagons and one hundred and ten men on July 24, 1832. On a two-year leave from the army, Captain Bonneville and Walker led the first wagons over South Pass on what became the Oregon-California Trail.

South Pass

On July 27, 1832, Bonneville camped on the south side of Green River across from the Horse Creek meadows.

Horse Creek Meadows

Washington Irving, Adventures of Captain Bonneville, described Bonneville’s Green River camp:

…As it would be necessary to remain some time in this neighborhood, that both men and horses might repose, and recruit their strength; and as it was a region full of danger, Captain Bonneville fortified his camp with breastworks of logs and pickets...

The pre-eminent historian Dr. Leroy Hafen stated:

…Bonneville erected a rude fortification of logs and pickets that came to be called Fort Bonneville.

Of Bonneville's Green River camp, Hiram Chittenden wrote:

Fort Bonneville or Bonneville's Folly are names applied to a rude stockade which Captain Bonneville built on the right bank of Green River, five miles above the mouth of Horse Creek in early August, 1832. Though apparently commenced with a view of making it a trading post it was abandoned as soon as built and was never of any consequence whatever in the trade.

A few day after arriving at the Green River camp, Bonneville outlined a plan to build a substantial post on the Green River. Joseph Walker objected to building a fortified fort, and according to Bil Gilbert, left to locate a group of free trappers in the Green River area. Walker returned with several trappers on August 12, 1832.

The free trappers informed Bonneville of the severe winters in the Green River Valley and advised against building a fort there.

Starvin Times

The trappers told Bonneville the Salmon River area had milder winters, and was better beaver country than the Green River Valley. Seventeen days after arriving on the Green River, Bonneville commenced preparations to move to the Salmon River. Irving wrote:

…Captain Bonneville now made his arrangements for the autumn and the winter. The nature of the country through which he was about to travel rendered it impossible to proceed with wagons. He had more goods and supplies of various kinds, than were required for present purposes, or than could be conveniently transported on horseback;

...aided, therefore, by a few confidential men, he made caches, or secret pits, during the night, when all the rest of the camp were asleep, and in these deposited the superfluous effects, including the wagons.

This statement by Irving is questionable. A few men could not dig a hole big enough to cache twenty wagons in one night. Bonneville undoubtedly cached equipment in this area, but the cache location eludes treasure seekers and archeological investigators.

Seventeen days after his arrival on Horse Creek, Bonneville does not give Bonneville time to build a fort as described in Life in the Rocky Mountains and as suggested by the 1989 Archeological Center. After spending just over four weeks at the Green River camp, Captain Bonneville left on August 22, 1832, for the Salmon River. The Bonneville trappers arrived on the Salmon River in September 1832.

Two months later, Warren A. Ferris arrived at Bonneville’s Salmon River camp. Ferris described the Salmon River camp:

…This miserable establishment, consisted entirely of several log cabins, low, badly constructed, and admirably situated for besiegers only, who would be sheltered on every side, by timber, brush etc.

At the 1833 Horse Creek rendezvous, a fort is described in an edited version of Ferris' manuscript. Life in the Rocky Mountains, edited by Paul C. Phillips attributes the fort to Captain Bonneville.

…The fort presents a square enclosure, surrounded by posts or pickets firmly set in the ground, of a foot or more in diameter, planted close to each other, and about fifteen feet in length. At two of the corners, diagonally opposite to each other, block houses of un-hewn logs are so constructed and situated, as to defend the square outside of the pickets, and hinder the approach of an enemy from any quarter. The prairie in the vicinity of the fort is covered with fine grass, and the whole together seems well calculated for the security both of men and horses.

…From the circumstance of a great deal of labor having been expended in its construction, and the works shortly after their completion deserted, it is frequently called "Fort Nonsense."

In addition to a physical description of Fort Bonneville, Indians are described as trading from a fort blockhouse.

…Some fifty or sixty lodges of Snakes lay encamped about the fort, and were daily exchanging their skins and robes, for munitions, knives, ornaments, etc., with the whites, who kept a quantity of goods opened for the purpose of trading in one of the block houses, constituting a part of the fort.

This artists conception of Fort Bonneville appears on the Fort Bonneville Historical Sign at the Fort Bonneville Marker of Horse Creek.

Fort Bonneville Historical Sign – Artist’s Conception

The detailed description of Fort Bonneville and Indians trading from a blockhouse attributed to Ferris lacks support from his contemporaries. Three men at the 1833 Horse Creek rendezvous referred to Bonneville's camp site. Nathaniel Wyeth mentioned a Mr. Bonneville’s fort. Zenas Leonard referred to the camp of Bowville [Bonneville]. Charles Larpenteur stated there were still some of Capt. Bonneville's men in a small stockade. Neither Leonard, Larpenteur, nor Wyeth mentioned Indians trading at a picket-walled bastioned fort, or a blacksmith shop.

A description of Fort Bonneville attributed to Ferris states, "posts or pickets firmly set in the ground, of a foot or more in diameter, planted close to each other, and about fifteen feet in length". It would take considerable hewing to make straight fifteen foot posts out of cottonwood trees. The closest pine posts, which fit Ferris description, are twenty miles away on the North Fork of Horse Creek. A comparison between cottonwood and pine posts/poles can be made from the log pen at the 1836 Green River location described by William Gray in his book, A History of Oregon 1792 – 1849’s. Gray noted:

…The space between the logs [cottonwoods] were sufficient to admit all the light required to do business in this primitive store.

Another question left unanswered is did Bonneville have time to build a fort as described in Life in the Rocky Mountains. Captain Bonneville arrived on the Horse Creek Meadows on July 27, 1832, and on August 12, 1832, free trappers convinced him to abandon the Green River area...so when did Bonneville build a picket walled bastioned fort. The limiting factor in building a fort with cottonwood pickets squared on three sides is not the number of men, but the number of shovels, picks, crowbars, adze, and axes. As an example, with five each of the tools mentioned, only twenty-five men could cut, trim trees, square three sides, dig postholes, and set the posts at any one time.

Two other fur trading post were built in 1834, Fort William on the Missouri River and Fort Hall on the Portneuf River in Idaho. Charles Larpenteur described the construction of Fort William. Larpenteur wrote:

…Seeing the necessity of having safer quarters, we went to work [September 4, 1834] with all our might every day, and Sunday too; and by the 15th of November got into our comfortable quarters…

…I will here describe the construction of Fort William, which was after the usual formation of trading posts. It was 150 feet front and 130 deep. The stockade was of cottonwood logs, called pickets, 18 feet in length, hewn on three sides and planted three feet in the ground. The boss' house stood back, opposite the front door; it consisted of a double cabin, having two rooms of 18x20 feet, with a passage between them 12 feet wide. There was a store and warehouse 40 feet in length and 18 feet in width; two rooms for the men's quarters 16x18 feet, a carpenter's shop, blacksmith's shop, ice house, meat house, and two splendid bastions. The whole was completed by Christmas of 1833 [1834]…

From Larpenteur’s detailed account, cottonwood trees squared on three sides were used for pickets at Fort William. The fort was livable in seventy-two days and completed forty days later. Thirty men spent close to four months building Fort William.

Osborne Russell described the building of Fort Hall:

…On the 18th [July] we commenced the Fort which was a stockade 80 ft square built of Cotton wood trees set on end sunk 2 1/2 feet in the ground and standing about 15 feet above with two bastions 8 ft square at the opposite angles. On the 4th of August the Fort was completed; And on the 5th the "Stars and Stripes" were unfurled to the breeze at Sunrise in the center of a savage and uncivilized country over an American trading Post.

John Kirk Townsend substantiated Russell’s description of Fort Hall.

…At the fort, affairs look prosperous: the stockade is finished; two bastions have been erected, and the work is singularly good, considering the scarcity of proper building tools. The house will now soon be habitable, and the structure can then be completed at leisure by men who will be left here.

From the Russell and Townsend descriptions, it is difficult to determine how much, beyond the picketed enclosure, existed in the seventeen-day period, however, three months later Osborne Russell recorded:

…In the meantime we were employed building small log houses and making other nessary [necessary] preparations for the approaching winter…

Based on the construction time of Fort William and Fort Hall, it would have been impossible for Captain Bonneville to build a picket-walled bastioned fort with a living area as supposedly described by Ferris and a blacksmith shop described by archeologists in a 1989 study at the Fort Bonneville Monument.

A Fort Bonneville is not supported by its supposed builders, Captain Bonneville and Joseph Walker, contemporary mountain man, fur traders, naturalists, artists, or missionaries at the 1833, 1835, 1836, 1837, 1839, and 1840 Horse Creek rendezvous:

1) There is no mention of a Fort Bonneville in the manuscript Bonneville sold to Washington Irving for one thousand dollars, and in a letter to General Macomb asking for an extension on his military leave, Bonneville describes other forts in the West...but not a Fort Bonneville. Dropped from the army rolls for over extending his leave, Bonneville wrote to Secretary Lewis Cass, Secretary of War, seeking reinstatement. In the letter, Bonneville did not justify his plea for reinstatement with any reference to building a fortified trading post west of South Pass in the center of the Rocky Mountain Fur Trade area.

2) With the exception of the description attributed to Warren A. Ferris' of Fort Bonneville, there is no evidence in pertinent fur trade literature to support a Fort Bonneville, a Fort Nonsense, or s Bonneville's Folly. Osborne Russell, Zenas Leonard, Robert Newell, Joe Meek, Robert Campbell, Charles Larpenteur, William H. Gray, Nathaniel Wyeth, Alfred Jacob Miller, Sir William Drummond Stewart, John Townsend, Dr. F. A. Wislizenus, and Father De Smet attended various mountain man rendezvous on the Horse Creek meadows. Not one journal, biography, or book by Ferris' contemporaries mention a Fort Bonneville, a Fort Nonsense, or a Bonneville's Folly.

In 1835, Warren Ferris returned to the family home in Buffalo, New York, where he wrote, and in 1836, submitted his journal for publication. The publisher returned the rejected the manuscript to Ferris' family in Buffalo, New York. In a letter dated November 26, 1837, from Nacogdoches, Texas, Warren Ferris wrote to his brother, Charles:

...about our journal if you can get it don’t have it published. I have changed my mind but keep it. I should like to look over it sometime.”

Life in the Rocky Mountains, was edited and complied by Paul Phillips in 1940. As will be shown later, Life in the Rocky Mountains was based on magazine and newspaper articles...not the Ferris journal. The description of Fort Bonneville is not the only questionable descriptions attributed to Ferris in Life in the Rocky Mountains.

...We remained about ten days in the northern point of Cache Valley, in a small cove frequently called Ogden’s Hole, in compliment to a gentleman of that name of the Hudson Bay Company, who paid it a visit some years since.

Ogden’s Hole is south of Cache Valley...not north. From the southern end of Cache Valley to Ogden’s Hole is about fifteen miles. The rough dirt road between Avon (5000 ft.) and Liberty (5100 ft.) reaches an elevation of 6500 feet crossing the mountains separating the two valleys.

Ferris spends a page and a half describing the valley where I live. For someone who has rode and packed in this area most of his life, it is difficult to understand, or follow, Ferris' descriptions. His biggest error is describing salt deposits along the streams emptying into Salt River.

...a beautiful valley fifteen miles long, and six to eight broad, watered by several small streams which unite and form "Salt River," so called from the quantities of salt, in a chrystalized form, found upon most of its branches.

There are large salt deposits to the west of the valley, but there is no salt in Salt River, or its tributaries. Salt River heads on Mount Wagner, and the streams emptying into Salt River are fresh water mountain streams. If the branches of Salt River contained quantities of salt as suggested by Ferris, this area would not have been a prime beaver area during the fur trade era, or now, regarded as one of the finest fly fishing streams in the West.

As to the major rivers in the Green River area:

...It [Sandy River] has its source in the south-eastern point of the Wind Mountains, where also the Sweet Water, [North] Platte, and Wind River of the Bighorn, take their rise.

Wind River heads on the eastside of Togwotee Pass between the Absaroka Mountains and the Wind River Mountains. Wind River flows east of the Wind River Mountains through the Wind River Valley. The North Platte heads in Colorado's North Park. Of the four rivers mentioned, the only river to head on the southeastern end of the Wind River Mountains is the Sweetwater River. If the Sandy River headed on the southeastern point of the Wind River Mountains, it would flow into the North Platte River, not the Green River.

...After a weary march, on the twenty-first, we reached Green River, a fine, clear, deep and rapid stream, one hundred and fifty yards wide, which takes its rise in the Wind Mountains, with the sources of Lewis River [Snake] and the Yellow Stone…

Green River heads above the Green River lakes in the Wind River Mountains.

Green River Lakes

Snake River heads in Fox Park on the Yellowstone Plateau west of the Continental Divide. The Yellowstone heads on Younts Peak east of the Continental Divide in the Absaroka Mountains.

The information in Life in the Rocky Mountains is from Warren A. Ferris' rejected manuscript. Ferris' brother Charles Ferris become an editor of the Western Literary Messenger in 1842. The Ferris' manuscript was redacted into a series of weekly articles for the Western Literary Messenger between July 13, 1842 to May 4, 1844. Charles edited the weekly articles for one year before resigning from the magazine. Jesse Stone, a poet, edited the rest of the magazine articles...it is interesting to note the article describing Fort Bonneville was written by Stone.

The description of Fort Bonneville in the Western Literary Messenger article, October 21, 1843, by Jesse Stone fits a majority of early frontier military posts. Larpenteur describes Fort William as being after the usual formation of trading posts and, with the exception of the blockhouse over the entrance, Alfred Miller's painting of Fort Laramie is a typical western fort.

There is no evidence to show Warren Ferris knew about, or had anything to do with, the publication of the articles in the Western Literary Messenger. Paul C. Phillips in the 1940 edition of Life in the Rocky Mountains noted:

The correspondence of Warren during this period shows no consciousness of this fact, and it is probable that Charles undertook it solely on his own responsibility and that he made some revisions to the text.

The 1940 edition of Life in the Rocky Mountains was based on revised and condensed articles from the Western Literary Messenger, Ferris family letters, and articles in the Democratic Intelligencer and the Dallas Herald of Dallas, Texas...not Ferris' original journal or manuscript. The editor of Life in the Rocky Mountains, Paul C. Phillips, noted:

The text of the Ferris writings as it appears in this volume is transcribed from the original publications of the Western Literary Messenger and the Dallas Herald.

With condensing, editing, and rewriting for the magazine articles, and then the Phillips' edited edition of Life in the Rocky Mountains, no one knows what was edited out of, or added to, Ferris' original manuscript.

In regards to the map of the Rocky Mountain Region in the Ferris manuscript, Paul C. Phillips stated:

The Ferris "Map" shows that in 1836 its maker knew the Rocky Mountain region of the United States so well that he could picture the river systems, its lakes, its landmarks and its routes of travel.

Section of the 1836 Ferris Map
Fort Nonsense is written vertically in the center-right of the map above Horse Creek.

Despite the glowing remarks by Phillips, the above quotes on the river systems suggest Ferris left the mountains in 1835 with a poor understanding as to the source of the major fur trade rivers. In terms of the map:

1) Ferris traveled up the Hoback River to the 1833 rendezvous, and yet his map does not show a Hoback River or Fall Creek...the stream draining this area into Snake River is not named. The source of the stream shown by Ferris comes from the northeast, not the south as does the Hoback.

2) The full map shows the South Platte heading in the same general area as the North Fork of the Platte...the South Fork of the Platte heads in the Colorado Bayou Salade and joins the North Fork near North Platte, Nebraska. From the map it appears the South Fork of the Platte is flowing South instead of East.

3) Ferris's map shows a Fort Nonsense, but a map drawn by Captain Bonneville does not.

It is interesting to speculate why Ferris would put Fort Nonsense on the map. Captain Bonneville's manuscript was being consider by publishers at the time Ferris submitted his manuscript. It is doubtful if Fort Nonsense would mean anything to the publishers, whereas, a Fort Bonneville would be significant.

A logical questions is did Ferris acquire his information on the river systems after leaving the mountains, or is someone else the maker of the fur trade map praised by Phillips in the preface to Life in the Rocky Mountains? Supposedly submitted with the manuscript, the Ferris map was misplaces and not found until the 1930's.

At the 1836 Rendezvous, William H. Gray, who was with the Whitman Spaulding missionary party, described a fur trade building in the Green River area:

…Starting from a square log pen 18 by 18, with no doors, except two logs that had been cut so as to leave a space about four feet from the ground two feet wide and six feet long, designed for an entrance, as a also a place to hand out goods and take in furs. It was covered with poles, brush on top of the poles; in case of rain.

…At a little distance from the store the camps of the fur company in which might be seen the pack-saddles and equipage of the mules in piles, in piles to suit the tastes of the men having them in charge. The trading hut was little distance from the main branch of Green River, so situated that the company’s mules and horses could all be driven between the store and river, the tents and men on either side, the store in front, forming a camp that could be defended against an attack of Indians, in case they should attempt anything of the kind.

Gray, A History of Oregon 1792 – 1849’s, provides a detailed description of the square log pen and the placement of the various fur trade camps to defend against an Indian attack. Gray describes the Green River camp, but not a four-year-old picketed-bastioned fort. William Gray wrote:

…West of the fur company camp or store were most of the camps of hunters and trappers, east of it, close to the river was the missionary camp.

The tents of the missionary camp contained the wives of Dr. Marcus Whitman and Henry Spaulding. Narcissa Whitman and Eliza Spaulding were the first white women to cross South Pass and attend a mountain man rendezvous.

From the rendezvous, the missionaries traveled to the Oregon Country with a group of trappers from the Hudson’s Bay Company under John McLeod and Thomas McKay. William Gray noted:

…The Chief Hudson’s Bay Trader, John McLeod, informed the missionaries that it was not the wish of the company to have these trappers or mountain men to go to the Columbia River area to settle because they would cause difficulty with the Indians. He also made them understand if they needed manual labor or men to help put up their houses and improvements, the company would send men to help them.

…The missionaries had brought with them all of the supplies necessary to exist in an area two thousand miles from the closest source of supplies. Having a blacksmith shop, plow, seeds, clothing, and supplies to last for two years.

…Goods at the missionary camp were sorted. All goods supposed unnecessary, or that could be replaced, such as irons for plows, blacksmith tools, useless kettles, etc, etc. disposed of. All articles left, the party were careful to learn, could be had at Fort Vancouver of the Hudson’s Bay Company or at Methodist Mission at reasonable prices.

Dr. Whitman arrived at the rendezvous site with two wagons and left with one. This indicates a considerable amount of goods were left behind.

Alfred Jacob Miller attended the 1837 Rendezvous with Sir William Drummond Stewart. Miller made several sketches of the 1837 Green River rendezvous. About the young painter, Dr. Gowans wrote:

…During the sixteen-year history of the rendezvous, neither mountain man, traveler, missionary, nor visitor left a more detailed description of the wilderness experience than did Alfred Jacob Miller.

1837 Horse Creek Rendezvous - Alfred Jacob Miller

It would be hard to disagree with Dr. Gowans assessment of Alfred Jacob Miller. If a Fort Bonneville existed in 1833, why five years later did Miller not paint a picture of Fort Bonneville as he did Fort Laramie, especially if mountain men and Indians were using a blacksmith shop as suggested by Dr. Gardner?

Fort Laramie - Alfred Jacob Miller

Scheduled for the Green River Valley, the Pierre Chouteau, Jr. and Company moved the 1838 rendezvous to site of the 1830 rendezvous at the junction of the Wind and Popo Agie rivers. The change in site was to escape trading pressure from the Hudson's Bay Company. Headed for the 1838 rendezvous, Osborne Russell reached Horse Creek where he recorded in his journal:

…We rode up to an old log building which was formerly used as a store house during the Rendezvous where I discovered a piece of paper fastened upon the wall which informed me that we should find the Whites at the forks of Wind river.

1830 - 1838 Rendezvous Site

In addition to Osborne Russell, Sir William Drummond Stewart referred to the storehouse. Stewart implied the storehouse was a separate structure from the nearby-dilapidated ruins built by whites. The dilapidated ruins referred to by Stewart was likely the log barricade built by Bonneville.

In the post fur trade history books, Fort Bonneville is often referred to as being old, even by the 1836 rendezvous. A building or structure in the Green River Valley does not become old, or dilapidated, in a few years. Half mile from the Fort Bonneville Monument, part of the original homestead cabin built by Dr. Montrose in the early 1900’s is is still standing.

Corner of the Original Cabin - Pearson Ranch

In regards to the present-day Fort Bonneville Monument, Dr. Gowans wrote:

…Both the stone marker and the historical sign, are now located on the old site of Fort Bonneville.

Fort Bonneville Monument

A. Dudley Gardner, David E. Johnson, and David Vlcek conducted an archeological investigation at the Fort Bonneville Monument site in 1989. The investigation involved a proton magnetometer survey on July 7, and field excavations from July 31 through August 8, 1989.

In a paper presented at the 55th Annual Plains Anthropological Conference, Symposium on Geophysical Prospection Methods in the Great Plains: New Advances and Applications, November 19-22, 1997, Boulder, Colorado by David Vlcek of the BLM Pinedale Resource Area and William Current, Vlcek noted:

…Magnetometer results at Ft. Bonneville were disappointing. We benefitted from Dr. George Frison's unpublished test excavations and placed the magnetometer block to overlap the fort's southeastern (uninvestigated) exterior wall. The wall was not present in our excavation units. Magnetometer anomaly testing, conducted by the senior author, identified only rodent burrows, not wall features.

The magnetometer failed to locate the twenty wagons and other goods cached by Captain Bonneville in 1832, which according to post-fur trade historian Bil Gilbert were cached inside Fort Nonsense.

In his 1989, report on Archaeological Investigations at Fort Bonneville, A. Dudley Gardner stated:

…The remaining 594 artifacts, as well as the bone and the melted glass, represent activities which took place during Bonneville’s occupation of the post for a short period between 1832 and 1835. Subsequent use of the structures during the trapper rendezvous of 1836, 1837, 1839, and 1840 is possible, and even likely. While the features are more than likely associated with Bonneville’s occupation, the archaeological remains recovered are not sufficiently sensitive to differentiate between Bonneville’s occupation and any subsequent short-term rendezvous related activities occurring in the years immediately following Bonneville’s departure.

Dr. Gardner’s statement on Bonneville is conjectural. Captain Bonneville arrived at the 1833 rendezvous on July 12 and left on July 25, 1833. This was the only Horse Creek rendezvous Captain Bonneville attended.

Artifacts uncovered by the archeologists included: plate glass fragments, 18.98 pounds of melted glass globules, clinkers, percussion pistol caps, twenty-two poorly formed metal arrow points, buffalo bones, metal fasteners, a mule shoe, horseshoe/mule shoe nails, files, a chisel, tacks, leather fragments, wood fragments, iron wagon brace, wagon wrench, spring fragment, an item possibly identified as a bridle, and miscellaneous bolts and nuts.

Based on the artifacts recovered at the archeological site, Dr. Gardner concluded:

...It was found that the occupation of Fort Bonneville resulted in a highly compacted floor across the entire stockade compound. Artifacts were primarily found above this floor.

…archaeological excavations indicate that trade items were manufactured and possibly repaired at Fort Bonneville’s blacksmith shop.

…the slag found at Fort Bonneville appears as melted glass. Since the glass was not cross-sectioned and microscopically analyzed, it is impossible to say whether this is slag or melted glass.

On average the mountain man rendezvous lasted two to three weeks. This does not allow much time for any repairs at a hypothetical blacksmith shop, especially forge welding. Several tools are required to do forge welding: tongs, a vice, hammers, and an anvil...none of these tools were found at the Fort Bonneville site excavation.

Dr. Gardner further stated:

…The building of a blacksmith shop drew people to the fort to obtain a needed service. Brazing was one of the activities carried out at the Fort Bonneville blacksmith shop. More important, the blacksmith could manufacture tools and repair guns as well as provide iron.

This is total speculation by Dr. Gardner without supporting evidence. Wagons and two-wheeled carts were at the last four Horse Creek rendezvous. Between 1836 and 1840, forty-five wagons and thirty-seven two-wheeled carts traveled over South Pass to the Horse Creek rendezvous. In Dr. Gowans’ Rocky Mountain Rendezvous, there is not one reference to any type of glass, or strap metal, in the rendezvous caravans to the 1833, 1835, 1836, 1837, 1839, or 1840 rendezvous, or to a blacksmith shop on Horse Creek.

Not one missionary, naturalist, or mountain man mentions the repair of a wagon, cart, trap, gun, or having any other type of blacksmith work done at a Horse Creek blacksmith shop. Dr. F. A. Wislizenus, A journey to the Rocky Mountains in 1839, left a detailed account of the 1839 rendezvous. The 1840 rendezvous was attended by Father De Smet whose account is in Dr. Gowans’ Rocky Mountain Rendezvous. Neither Dr. Wislizenus nor Father De Smet mention a blacksmith shop, or a Fort Bonneville, in the Green River Valley.

Following the 1989 archeological investigation, a new historical marker sign was placed at the Fort Bonneville Monument site for the Wyoming Centennial Celebration.

Fort Bonneville Historical Sign

Only a couple of sentences on this sign are substantiated by historical facts...the rest are speculation and flawed assumptions. None of the artifacts found at the archeological excavation site could be traced to Captain Bonneville, or his men. David Vlcek noted artifacts from the Fort Bonneville excavation site, as well as, artifacts given to the Museum of the Mountain Man in Pinedale, can not be positively linked to a Fort Bonneville.

A more plausible explanation for the artifacts is the excess goods, including blacksmith tools and pieces of iron, left by Dr. Whitman, a schoolhouse with glass windows, clinkers from a coal-burning stove, and school children playing outside. School children rode horses or traveled in a covered sleigh pulled by a team of horses to school which could account for many of the horse related artifacts.

A pertinent question in regards to the mythical Fort Bonneville is location. The present-day Fort Bonneville Monument site was determined through field investigations and a series of letters with John D. Montrose M.D. by Dr. Grace Hebard, a history professor at the University of Wyoming, Dr. Montrose homestead the area surrounding the proposed Fort Bonneville in 1903.

In a letter from Dr. Montrose to Dr. Hebard dated December 1, 1913:

…Complying with your request of Nov. 19. concerning old Fort Bonneville I must tell you that there is very little evidence left of its ever having been here. When I came here, about 13 years ago there were ends of decaying posts in the ground in the form of a square about 12 ft. There is a schoolhouse within 20 ft of the place now and although it is protected by bare sagebrush, with the children and the cattle it is doubtful whether you could find anything of it now.

The Wyoming Oregon Trail Commission visited the site of the old fort, June 9, 1915.

…with pick, irrigating shovel and crowbar the old rotten stumps of the stockade were found buried three or four feet in the ground.

…During the winter of 1914-15, Dr. J. W. Montrose, of Daniel, [had] snaked on the snow and up the frozen river a native boulder which he hauled near the supposed site of the old fort.

President H. G. Nickerson and Secretary Grace R. Hebard of the Wyoming Oregon Trail Commission dedicated the Fort Bonneville Monument on August 9, 1915, with eighty-five people in attendance.

Fort Bonneville Monument

Dr. Hebard to Dr. James K. Breckenridge, St. Louis, Missouri, Sept. 29, 1915.

In my official capacity I have been about the state this summer, particularly on a pilgrimage to find the location of Old Fort Bonneville, which I located and established beyond a question of a doubt, and we placed a monument on the site with appropriate ceremonies, a monument made from a boulder from that locality, on which we chiseled the inscription with our own hands with chisels and mallets we had taken with us.

This letter to Dr. James K. Breckenridge was written before Dr. Hebard re-affirmed the site from Dr. Montrose based on William Gray’s 1836 description. Dr. Breckenridge was the brother to William Clark Breckenridge who had the diaries of Captain Bonneville. It is of interest to note these are the grandsons of Henry Marie Breckenridge who wrote Views of Louisiana. Henry Breckenridge was with Manuel Lisa on the Missouri River during the Great Boat Race with Wilson Price Hunt in 1811.

Dr. Hebard to Dr. Montrose March 20, 1917.

…I have come across this description of Bonneville’s Fort and I am wondering if you would be kind enough to tell me the distance from where we located the rotten stumps north to the Green River, and if so would you see how near this description coincides with the locality [where the rock monument was placed]….

Montrose to Hebard April 6, 1917:

…I enjoyed the description from Gray’s which I am returning. I[t] coincides perfectly with the actual locality.

Hebard to Montrose April 14, 1917:

…thank you very much for your information as contained in your letter of the 6th instant relative to telling of the account given by Gray in his History of Oregon on the site of Fort Bonneville in ’36, when Whitman and Spaulding were there and the location of the stockade as marked in 1915. This, I believe, is all the proof that we need ever have to establish the exact location of that stockade and I am sure I still feel under deep obligation to you for your part in this….

Dr. Gowans location for Fort Bonneville, and the 1989 archeological investigation conducted by Gardner, Johnson, and Vlcek, was at the present-day Fort Bonneville Monument.

The present-day Fort Bonneville Monument site location was determined by Dr. Hebard in June of 1915. A dedication ceremony on August 9, 1915, placed the rock monument over the 18 by 18 square log pen described by William Gray—not Fort Bonneville as described by Warren A. Ferris.

The existence of a Fort Bonneville, or Fort Nonsense, is the creation of post-fur trade historians and archeologist…not actual rendezvous participants.

The Fort Bonneville article was written by O. Ned Eddins of Afton, Wyoming. Permission is given for material from this site to be used for school research papers.

Citation: Eddins, Ned. (article name) Thefurtrapper.com. Afton, Wyoming. 2002.

References and Links are below the mountain man picture.

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References:

Ball John. Across the Plains to Oregon, 1832. Online Edition. Mtmen.org.

Chittenden, Hiram Martin. American Fur Trade of the Far West. The Press of the Pioneers, Inc., New York, New York. 1935. Vol. II.

Ferris, Warren A. Life in the Rocky Mountains: A Diary of Wanderings on the sources of the Rivers Missouri, Columbia, and Colorado from February, 1830, to November, 1835. On Line Edition www. Mtmen.org.

Ferris, W. A. Life in the Rocky Mountains. Paul C. Phillips ed. Old West Publishing Company. Denver, Colorado. 1940.

Gardner A. Dudley, Johnson David E., David Vlcek. Archeological Investigations at Fort Bonneville. Western Wyoming Community College. Rock Springs. Wyoming 1991.

Ghent, W. J. The Early Far West. Longmans, Green and Co. New York, N.Y. 1931.

Gilbert, Bil. Westering Man The Life of Joseph Walker. University of Oklahoma Press. Norman, Oklahoma. 1985.

Gowans, Fred. Rocky Mountain Rendezvous. Perrigrine Smith Books Layton, Utah. 1985.

Gray, William H. A History of Oregon 1792 – 1849. Harris & Holman; New York, New York. 1870.

Gunter, Robb. The Forge School of Blacksmithing. Video.

Hebard, Grace Raymond. Hebard Letters. American Heritage Museum. University of Wyoming. Laramie, Wyoming.

Leonard, Zenas. Adventures of a Mountain Man. Bison Books. University of Nebraska Press. Lincoln, Nebraska. 1978.

Larpenteur, Charles. Forty Years a Fur Trader. Online Edition Mtmen.org.

Russell, Osborne. Journal of a Trapper [1834-1843]. Edited by Aubrey L. Haines. Bison Book. University of Nebraska Press. Lincoln, Nebraska. 1970.

Todd, Edgeley W. ed. The Adventures of Captain Bonneville, U.S.A. in the Rocky Mountains and the Far West. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman, OK. 1961.

Townsend, John, Kirk. Across the Rockies to the Columbia. University of Nebraska Press. Lincoln, Nebraska. 1978.

Victor, Mrs. Francis Fuller. The River of the West. Edited by Blevins, Winfred. Online Edition. Mountain Press Publishing Company. Missoula, Montana. 1983.

Wyeth, Nathaniel. The Journals of Captain Nathaniel J. Wyeth's Expeditions to the Oregon Country 1831-1836. Don Johnson, ed. Ye Galleon Press. Fairfield, Washington. 1984.

Wislizenus, F. A. M.D. A journey to the Rocky Mountains in 1839. English translation by the Missouri Historical Society. St. Louis, Missouri. 1912.

Internet References:

www.mtmen.org - Mountain Men and the Fur Trade Journals and Letters.

www.blm.gov/wy/st/en/field_offices/.../fort_bonneville.html - Archeological Investigations at Fort Bonneville by David Vlcek.

A [PDF] file of the 1989 Archeological Investigations at Fort Bonneville by A. Dudley Gardner, David Johnson, and David Vlcek, and the Hebard Montrose letters are available on request.